The Big Picture
New York spends more than it takes in β and the gap is growing every year.
π¨
New York Is Running a Deficit
The state brings in $248.9B but spends $254B β a gap of $5.1B this year. Over 3 years the shortfall grows to $34.3B. Spending is growing faster than revenue, and federal funding cuts could make this significantly worse.
β οΈ
Federal Money Is a Big Risk
Nearly 39Β’ of every dollar spent comes from the federal government β $96.7B. The vast majority (87%) funds health and social programs. Federal cuts would trigger a major crisis with no easy fix.
β
Strong Tax Collection
The state collected $162B in state and local taxes in FY2025. Personal income taxes from high earners β especially Wall Street β are the backbone. When Wall Street booms, Albany gets a windfall. When it contracts, the whole budget feels it.
Revenue vs. Spending β Year Over Year
The gap between income and expenses has widened significantly since 2019
Revenue vs. Spending Gap FY26
$248.9B in vs. $254B out
Projected 3-Year Budget Gap
Cumulative shortfall grows to $34.3B by FY2029
Where Does the Money Come From?
Personal income tax is overwhelmingly dominant β and dangerously concentrated at the top.
State Tax Revenue by Type
FY 2025 β Personal Income Tax is nearly half of all collections
All Funds Revenue Sources
Including federal aid β FY25-26 total: $248.9B
Tax Revenue Growth Since 2019
Collections have grown strongly β but spending has grown faster
Revenue Breakdown
How each source stacks up
Personal Income Tax
Wages, investments, capital gains β collected $61B in FY2025
Sales & Use Tax
State 4% + local avg 4.5%; $18.7B state + $23B local
$41.7B
~26% of state taxes
Corporate & Business Taxes
~10% of total revenue; grew 57% post-COVID
Federal Funding
Medicaid reimbursements, education grants, and more
Other Taxes & Fees
Property transfer, excise, miscellaneous
Where Does the Money Go?
Two programs β Medicaid and School Aid β dominate the budget.
Budget by Category
FY 2025-26 All Funds ($254B total)
Medicaid vs. Everything Else
Medicaid alone = 43% of total budget
Spending Growth: Medicaid vs. School Aid vs. Total Budget
Medicaid costs have nearly doubled in 10 years
Where Every Dollar Goes
Progress bars show share of total budget
π₯ Medicaid
Covers 6.9 million NYers β largest single expense
π« School Aid (K-12)
Funding for public schools statewide
ποΈ State Operations
Running agencies, state workers, infrastructure
π Transportation & Infrastructure
Roads, bridges, MTA, transit
π¨βπ©βπ§ Other Social Services
Public assistance, housing, food programs, child welfare
π° Debt Service
Interest and principal on state borrowing
π How Business Tax & Personal Income Tax Are Linked
When a company leaves New York, it's not just one tax that disappears β it triggers a chain reaction across the entire revenue base. This tab shows exactly how.
The Revenue Chain: One Company β Multiple Tax Streams
When a company operates in New York, it generates tax revenue across at least 5 different categories simultaneously. When it leaves, all 5 dry up at once.
π’ Company in NY
Corp. Tax
7.25% state + city/MTA surcharges = up to 17.44% effective rate
π€ Employees (W-2)
Income Tax
Up to 10.9% state + 3.87% NYC on high earners
ποΈ Workers Spend
Sales Tax
~8.5% combined on every purchase they make in NY
π Workers Live Here
Property Tax
Supporting local schools, services, and county budgets
β οΈ Company Leaves
All 5 Lost
Corporate tax + income tax + sales tax + property tax + local jobs multiplier all disappear
Income Tax Is Dangerously Top-Heavy
A tiny number of people and businesses fund an outsized share of everything β this creates extreme vulnerability
Top 200,000 taxpayers (top ~2%)51.9% of ALL personal income tax
Top 1% of earners~46% of state income tax
Top 10% of earners~65% of NYC municipal income tax
Finance & Insurance sector49% of all NYC corporate tax liability
Bottom 50% of taxpayersonly 0.2% of personal income tax
π° Who Pays In vs. π€ Who Takes Out β The Full Picture
The same income groups, side by side: their share of tax revenue contributed vs. their share of state spending consumed. The imbalance is the story.
Top ~2% β Top 200,000 Taxpayers
Earns $1M+ per year Β· ~200,000 people
PAYS IN
51.9%
of all income tax
TAKES OUT
<1%
of social program spending
Net contributors. Uses: roads, courts, public safety, education system (children), and some Medicare. Rarely on Medicaid, SNAP, public housing, or public assistance.
Top 1% of Earners
Earns $500Kβ$1M+ Β· ~100,000 people
PAYS IN
46%
of NY State income tax
TAKES OUT
<2%
of social program spending
Massive net contributors. Pays heavily into a system they barely use. Their departure creates a revenue hole that cannot be filled by any realistic number of lower-income arrivals.
Top 10% of Earners
Earns ~$130Kβ$500K Β· ~1 million people
PAYS IN
65%
of NYC municipal income tax
TAKES OUT
~5%
of social program spending
Strong net contributors. Uses public schools, roads, some state university system. Ineligible for Medicaid, SNAP, housing vouchers, or most social programs. This is also the largest middle-class outflow group leaving NYC.
Middle 40% of Earners
Earns ~$35Kβ$130K Β· ~4 million people
PAYS IN
~33%
of income tax revenue
TAKES OUT
~25%
of state spending benefits
Roughly break even. Uses public schools heavily, roads, transit. Some may qualify for lower-tier Medicaid programs or CHIP for children. Pays meaningful income tax. This is the group leaving NYC in the largest raw numbers β the affordability squeeze is worst here.
Bottom 50% of Earners
Earns under ~$35K Β· ~5 million people
PAYS IN
0.2%
of income tax revenue
TAKES OUT
~70%
of Medicaid + social spending
Primary beneficiaries of state spending. Receives Medicaid (~6.9M enrolled), SNAP (~2.7M enrolled), public housing subsidies, Child Health Plus, Essential Plan, public assistance cash benefits, and more. Pays almost zero income tax β though still pays sales tax, which is the most proportionally burdensome tax for low earners.
βοΈ The Bottom Line: An Extreme Imbalance
The top 2% of earners (~200,000 people) pay 51.9% of income taxes and consume less than 1% of social program spending.
The bottom 50% (~5 million people) pay 0.2% of income taxes and consume ~70% of Medicaid and social spending.
This is not inherently wrong β progressive systems are designed to redistribute. But it creates a structural fragility: the entire budget rests on the willingness and ability of a tiny group of people to stay, keep earning, and keep paying. When even a small fraction of those 200,000 people move to Florida, the fiscal impact is geometric, not linear.
π― "What If" Scenario: Company Relocation Calculator
Move the slider to see the cascading revenue impact when a major employer leaves New York for a no-income-tax state like Florida or Texas.
πΌ Corporate Tax Lost
$0
Est. business tax revenue
π€ Income Tax Lost
$0
State + NYC PIT combined
ποΈ Sales Tax Lost
$0
Est. consumer spending impact
π Total Annual Revenue Lost
$0
Combined across all tax streams
βοΈ % of Annual Budget Gap
0%
Share of the $5.1B annual deficit
π Are New Arrivals Replacing the Lost Tax Revenue?
New York is still growing in total population β but the critical question is who is leaving vs. who is arriving. The math only works if the people coming in earn as much as the people going out.
π Domestic Out-Migration (2024)
Americans leaving NY for other states
β137K
residents lost to other states in 2024 β down from peak of β300K in 2021
βοΈ International In-Migration (2024)
Foreign arrivals offsetting domestic losses
+96K
international arrivals in 2024-25 β down sharply from 207K the prior year
π Net Migration Balance (2024)
Combined domestic + international flows
β42K
net migration loss; barely offset by natural growth of +43K (births minus deaths)
π° Avg. Income: People Leaving
IRS data on out-migrant AGI
$100K+
average income of out-migrants topped $100K for the first time β and it's been rising
Who Is Leaving NYC? β By Income Bracket
Outflow June 2024βOct 2025 Β· Middle class dominates departures, not just the wealthy
Who Is Arriving in NYC? β By Income
88% of new arrivals earn under $200K β inflow is skewed lower-income than outflow
New York Net Domestic Migration β Annual Trend
NY has lost residents to other states every single year. The pandemic made it much worse. It's improving but still deeply negative.
The Income Swap Problem: What NY Loses vs. What It Gains
Estimated average annual income contribution to the tax base β people leaving vs. people arriving. The gap is the structural revenue hole.
π€ PEOPLE LEAVING (Domestic Out-Migrants)
Average income
$100K+
Largest outflow bracket
$51Kβ$200K
Est. state income tax paid
~$8β12K/yr
Top destinations
FL, TX, NJ, CT
Medicaid/social program use
Low
π₯ PEOPLE ARRIVING (Domestic + International)
Avg. income (new immigrants)
~$23β46K
Share of arrivals earning <$200K
88%
Est. state income tax paid
~$2β4K/yr
Top origin regions
Latin Am, Asia, Africa
Medicaid/social program use
High
β οΈ The bottom line: New York is swapping high-earning, high-tax-paying residents for lower-earning arrivals who are more likely to qualify for Medicaid, housing assistance, and other social programs. Each departing $150K earner generates roughly 3β5x more income tax revenue than a newly arrived household earning $40K β but costs far less in social services. The population may be staying roughly stable, but the fiscal quality of that population is declining.
β
Good News: Top Earners Are Staying More Than You'd Think
The Fiscal Policy Institute found that in 2023, the top 1% was the only income group with no net outmigration. High earners leave at roughly one-quarter the rate of middle-income New Yorkers. The pandemic 2020β21 spike in wealthy departures has mostly normalized. Millionaire address changes peaked at 3,300 in 2020 and fell to ~1,700 by 2024 β approaching pre-COVID rates. And some signs show younger, higher-income people moving into New York.
π
Bad News: It's the Middle Class Leaving in the Largest Numbers
The biggest outflow bracket is $51Kβ$200K β not the ultra-rich. These are teachers, nurses, accountants, mid-level managers. They pay meaningful income tax but aren't wealthy enough to be counted as "millionaire flight." Their departure erodes the broad middle of the tax base that funds schools and local services. 164,000+ lower-to-middle income residents left NYC from mid-2024 to late 2025 vs. only 15,500 high earners β a 10:1 ratio.
β οΈ
The International Lifeline Is Now Under Threat
New York's population math has relied heavily on international immigration to offset domestic losses. In 2022β23, international arrivals hit 207,000/year. In 2024β25, that dropped to 96,000 β a 54% drop β due to federal immigration policy changes. With domestic outflows still at β137,000/year, New York barely broke even on population in 2025. If international immigration drops further, the state faces simultaneous population loss AND fiscal deterioration.
Can New Arrivals Replace the Tax Revenue Being Lost?
Estimated annual income tax contribution per person β departing residents vs. arriving residents, by type
The Full Ripple: What Really Happens When a Business Leaves
It's not just lost tax revenue β there's a cascade of secondary effects most people don't think about.
π’ Direct Tax Losses
1
Corporate Franchise Tax disappears
NYS loses 7.25% of the company's NY profits. Finance firms in NYC face an effective rate up to 17.44% with city and MTA surcharges.
Direct hit to state revenue
2
W-2 income tax evaporates
Each employee earns, say, $120K. NYS collects ~8% on that = $9,600/person/year. With 1,000 employees that's $9.6M/year in PIT alone.
Immediate, permanent loss
3
Sales tax shrinks
Workers who leave stop buying lunch, shopping, and spending in NY. At $60K in annual spending taxed at 8.5%, that's $5,100/year per departing employee in lost sales tax.
Secondary consumer spending effect
π Ripple Effects
4
Local jobs multiplier kicks in
Every high-paying finance job supports 2-3 local service jobs: restaurants, cleaners, childcare, retail. Those workers also pay income tax and sales tax.
2β3x amplification of initial loss
5
Office real estate hollows out
Empty offices mean less commercial property tax to NYC and fewer mortgage recording taxes to the state β hitting school and city budgets separately.
Long-term structural hit
6
Remaining workers face higher taxes
To maintain services, the state must either cut spending or raise taxes on those who remain β which accelerates the next round of departures.
The "fiscal death spiral" risk
PIT vs. Corporate Tax Revenue (NYS)
Personal income tax dwarfs corporate tax β and is far more volatile
Finance Sector's Share of Corporate Tax
Finance & Insurance = nearly half of all NYC business tax liability
Business Relocations Out of New York (2020β2023)
Since 2020, 370+ investment companies managing $2.7 trillion moved HQ out of New York β mostly to Florida and Texas
New York vs. Competitor States: The Tax Burden
Why companies choose to leave β total effective tax burden on a high-earner working in each state's major city
| State / City | Top State Income Tax | Combined Effective Rate (High Earner) | Corporate Tax Rate | Financial Jobs Trend |
| π½ New York (NYC) | 10.9% | ~55% total (all taxes) | 7.25% + surcharges | π Declining |
| π΄ Florida (Miami) | 0% | ~38% total | 5.5% | π Booming |
| β Texas (Dallas/Houston) | 0% | ~37% total | No corp. income tax | π Surpassed NY in 2024 |
| ποΈ Tennessee (Nashville) | 0% | ~36% total | 6.5% | π Growing fast |
| π° Nevada | 0% | ~36% total | No corp. income tax | β Stable |
| π California | 13.3% | ~57% total | 8.84% | π Also losing firms |
| ποΈ Massachusetts | 9% | ~48% total | 8.0% | β Holding steady |
| πΊοΈ New Jersey | 10.75% | ~53% total | 11.5% | π Also losing |
βοΈ
The Wealth Exodus Is Already Happening
Since 2020, 370+ investment firms managing $2.7 trillion in assets moved headquarters out of New York. From NY alone, 158 companies managing $993 billion relocated β mostly to Florida and Tennessee. Since 2015, 314 companies moved HQ to Texas. In 2024, Texas surpassed New York in financial services employment for the first time.
πΈ
$14 Billion in Taxable Income Already Gone
The Citizens Budget Commission documented that 125,000+ New Yorkers migrated to Florida in recent years, taking an estimated $14 billion in annual taxable income with them. Because the top 1% pays ~46% of all state income tax, even a small percentage of top earners leaving creates a geometric, not linear, drop in revenue. A financial professional who earned $1M in NYC was contributing roughly $147,000/year in state + city income tax alone.
βοΈ
The Debate: Does Tax Rate Actually Drive Flight?
This is genuinely contested. The Fiscal Policy Institute argues that top earners in New York actually move to other high-tax states (NJ, CT, MA) β not Florida β suggesting taxes aren't the only driver. The Tax Foundation cites studies showing high-income earners are sensitive to tax increases. What's clear: New York's millionaire count is growing slower than other states, its share of national millionaires is declining, and finance employment shifted significantly to Texas and Florida post-2020.
Who Uses Social Programs?
New York has the most generous eligibility thresholds in the country β more people enrolled here than anywhere except California.
π On Medicaid
As of Feb 2025
35%
of all NYers β 6.9 million people
π½ Medicaid + Essential Plan
Zero-premium state-sponsored coverage
44%
of all NYers β highest in the nation
ποΈ NYC Residents on State Coverage
New York City only
60%
of NYC residents
ποΈ The Bronx: Highest County Rate
Range: 13.7% (Hamilton) β 68.2% (Bronx)
68%
of Bronx residents on Medicaid
New York State: Who's On What?
Estimated breakdown of ~20 million NYS residents by coverage status
Medicaid 35%
Essential 9%
Employer 18%
Medicare 12%
Other/Uninsured 26%
Medicaid Enrollment Over Time
COVID caused a huge spike; enrollment remains above pre-pandemic levels
Medicaid Cost Growth
Spending nearly doubled in 10 years
β οΈ
3M+ May Exceed Income Limits
The Empire Center found that over 3 million enrollees appear to have incomes above eligibility limits based on census data. For a family of four, NY now offers free coverage up to $78,000/year β close to the state's median family income.
π
7 Points Above Any Other State
At 44% enrollment, NY leads all states by a wide margin. The national average is 24%. For every 1 person removed from the "uninsured" count, 3+ people were added to Medicaid or the Essential Plan over the past decade.
Waste, Inefficiency & Red Flags
What auditors, watchdogs, and independent analysts have flagged as wasteful or concerning.
π¬ Film Subsidies
$9.5B
Hollywood Tax Credits (2024β2036)
NYS will pay film & TV producers $9.5B over this period. Reinvent Albany says it costs $75,000 per job per year β one of the least efficient job programs in the state.
π’ Corp Subsidies
$4.5B/yr
Corporate Economic Development
Reinvent Albany calls $4.5B/year in corporate subsidies "totally flawed, irrational, and wasteful trickle-down economics." Most programs have never been independently evaluated.
πΈ No Oversight
$14.8B
"Lump Sum" Discretionary Spending
Billions budgeted as vague "lump sums" β spent later without public scrutiny or competitive bidding. The Comptroller has repeatedly warned this invites waste and corruption.
π₯ Medicaid
3M+
Potential Medicaid Over-Enrollment
3M+ enrollees may have incomes above official eligibility limits. NY extended free coverage to households earning up to 250% of the federal poverty level β $78K/year for a family of four.
π Broadway
$800M
Proposed Broadway Subsidies
Watchdogs urged rejection of $800M in new Broadway industry subsidies, arguing that an already-profitable entertainment industry shouldn't need taxpayer support at this scale.
π Structural
$34.3B
Growing Structural Gap
The Citizens Budget Commission warned the $254B budget "spends too much and does too little to prepare for federal cuts or a downturn." The 3-year gap jumped $7B in just 3 months.
Wasteful/Flagged Spending β At a Glance
Dollar amounts flagged by independent watchdog groups
πΈ Deep Dive: The $14.8 Billion "Lump Sum" Black Hole
This is money your elected officials budgeted without telling you β or themselves β exactly where it would go. Here's everything known about it.
π¨
What Is a "Lump Sum" Appropriation?
A lump sum is money approved in the state budget with no specific recipient, project, or purpose named. The Governor and legislative leaders decide later β sometimes months or years after the budget passes β where it goes. Most of it bypasses the State Comptroller's review process entirely, meaning there is no independent check on whether the spending is legal, competitive, or even necessary. Watchdog groups call this "spending in the shadows."
What Makes Up the $14.8 Billion
The FY2024 lump sum package broken down by major bucket
How It Gets Distributed
Who controls the money once the budget passes
Where Lump Sum Money Is Known to Flow β Real Examples
Based on disclosed Community Projects Fund data and watchdog investigations. Most spending is never made fully public.
ποΈ "Member Items" / Community Grants
Each state legislator gets an allocation to direct to organizations in their district β nonprofits, local governments, community groups. Sounds good in theory, but recipients are often political allies, donors, or favored organizations. There is no competitive application process and no performance review.
~$300Mβ$500M/yr
Estimated annual legislative member items
π¨ "Special Emergency" Appropriations
The Governor's office can hold billions in vaguely named emergency funds. The FY2025 budget kept a $2 billion "Special Emergency Appropriation" and a $1 billion Healthcare Transformation Fund β both opposed by watchdogs as unnecessary slush funds with no defined purpose at the time of passage.
$3B+
In FY2025 alone β opposed by watchdogs
ποΈ Regional Investment Funds
Broad regional funds like the $350M Long Island Investment Fund and $100M Downtown Revitalization Initiative are allocated to projects determined after budgeting. Watchdogs note recipients are often chosen for political reasons, not based on need or return-on-investment analysis.
$1B+
In regional discretionary funds annually
π¦ COVID-Era Holdover Funds
The Citizens Budget Commission flagged that $8 billion in pandemic emergency appropriations from prior budgets were re-included in FY2024 β even though the COVID emergency was officially over. This money was authorized with nearly no strings attached and minimal oversight requirements.
$8B
COVID-era funds recycled with no new justification
π Real Corruption Cases Tied to Lump Sum / Discretionary Funds
These are not hypothetical risks β they are documented cases where this exact mechanism was abused
βοΈ
Lt. Gov. Brian Benjamin β "Bullet Aid" Scheme
Benjamin was arrested in 2022 and charged with bribery, fraud, and falsification of records. The scheme involved steering lump sum "bullet aid" grants β discretionary funds allocated at a legislator's direction β to a nonprofit in exchange for illegal campaign contributions. He resigned from office. The mechanism that allowed this: unitemized lump sum grants with no competitive process.
βοΈ
Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver β Healthcare Fund Kickbacks
Silver, once the most powerful legislator in New York, was convicted of fraud and extortion. Part of his scheme involved directing state healthcare grant money β a discretionary lump sum β to a doctor's research, who in return steered mesothelioma patients to Silver's law firm, generating millions in fees. He was sentenced to 6.5 years in prison.
βοΈ
Senate Majority Leader Malcolm Smith β Multi-Modal Fund Steering
Smith claimed he could steer transportation "multi-modal" lump sum grants as political currency. He was later convicted on separate bribery charges related to the NYC mayoral race, but the pattern of treating discretionary funds as a personal political tool was well documented and is a recurring feature of Albany corruption cases.
π
How to Track Lump Sum Spending Yourself
The state was pressured by watchdogs to create a public database β it exists but is incomplete. Here's where to look:
OpenBudget.NY.gov/discretionary β Official database of lump sum allocations approved by the Budget Director since Oct 2021. Updated periodically but does not include all categories.
SeeThrough NY (seethroughny.net) β Tracks "pork barrel" spending, member items, and legislative grant recipients going back years. Searchable by legislator name.
ReinventAlbany.org β Has the most aggressive watchdog reporting on lump sums, with annual budget analyses and specific flagged items.
OSC.NY.gov β The Comptroller's office publishes fraud/waste findings including contract oversight failures tied to lump sum spending.
Official Sources to Track This Yourself
β οΈ
Critical Transparency Notice β Read This First
New York State does not collect race data on tax returns. There is no official dataset anywhere that shows how much income tax is paid by White, Black, Hispanic, or Asian New Yorkers. The IRS and NYS Tax Department record income, not race β by law and by policy.
This means that when politicians, advocates, or analysts discuss "racial equity" in the tax and budget system, they cannot directly measure it using tax records. What exists instead is a chain of inference: Census income data by race β applied to the known tax structure β produces an estimate. That is not the same as measured data.
Every tax-related figure on this tab is an estimate derived from Census income data, not a direct measurement. Poverty, Medicaid, and SNAP figures by race do come from official program data and are labeled accordingly. The absence of direct race-based tax data is itself one of the most important findings on this page β and it raises a serious question: if the state cannot measure racial equity in its fiscal system, how can it credibly claim to be pursuing it?
NYC's Racial Makeup β What We Know for Certain
Source: U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019β2023 5-Year Estimates. This is official, measured data.
WHITE (Non-Hispanic)
31%
~2.6M people
HISPANIC / LATINO
28%
~2.4M people
BLACK / AFRICAN AMERICAN
22%
~1.9M people
OTHER / MULTIRACIAL
4%
~340K people
Median Household Income by Race β NYC
β OFFICIAL DATA
Source: U.S. Census Bureau ACS 2019β2023 5-Year Estimates. This is directly measured data, not an estimate.
π Important note on Asian income: The aggregate "Asian" category in NYC is extremely diverse β it includes high-earning Indian and Chinese tech/finance professionals in Manhattan and low-income Bangladeshi, Fujianese, and other immigrant communities in Queens and Brooklyn. A single median masks enormous variation within this group. The same is true, to a lesser extent, of every racial category listed here.
Poverty Rate by Race β NYC
β OFFICIAL
ACS 2023. Share of each group living below federal poverty line.
Unemployment Rate by Race β NYC
β OFFICIAL
Q4 2023 data. Black unemployment rate was 3Γ the White rate.
π΄ The Data Gap: What New York Does NOT Track β And Why That Matters
New York State actively promotes racial equity as a governing priority. But here is the data it does not collect, by program:
β NOT COLLECTED
Income Tax Payments by Race
NYS tax returns do not include race. The IRS does not collect it either. There is literally no database anywhere in New York that shows what share of income tax revenue comes from any racial group. Estimates can be derived from Census income data but they are not measured.
β NOT COLLECTED
Sales Tax Burden by Race
Sales tax is the most racially regressive tax β it takes a larger share of income from lower earners. But no data exists linking sales tax paid to the race of the buyer. The impact must be inferred from income data.
β INCOMPLETE
Medicaid Enrollment by Race (NYS)
The NYS Medicaid Enrollment Databook does not publish race breakdowns. KFF has national estimates by race for Medicaid-aged populations, but NYS-specific enrollment by race is not published in a standardized, downloadable format by the state.
β NOT COLLECTED
Lump Sum / Discretionary Grant Recipients by Race
The OpenBudget lump sum database lists recipient organizations but does not report which racial communities they serve, at what funding level, or whether distributions are equitable across racial groups.
β οΈ PARTIAL DATA
SNAP (Food Stamps) by Race
National USDA data exists by race but 16β17% of recipients are listed as "race unknown" due to incomplete collection at the state level. NY-specific breakdowns are not routinely published.
β DATA EXISTS
Poverty, Income & Unemployment by Race
The U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS) provides reliable race-by-income, poverty, and employment data annually. This is the most complete official source for race-based economic data in New York.
Estimated Income Tax Contribution by Race β NYC
β οΈ DERIVED ESTIMATE
Not official data. Derived by applying NYC's tax structure to median incomes and population shares from the ACS. This is how economists estimate race-based tax impact β but it is an approximation, not a direct measurement.
β οΈ Methodology note: These estimates apply NYC's progressive income tax rates to each group's median household income and multiply by the approximate number of tax-filing households in each group. They do not account for capital gains income (concentrated in high earners of any race), household size differences, deductions, or the significant income variation within each racial group. Treat as directional, not precise. The only honest conclusion: White and Asian households β having higher median incomes β contribute more per household in income tax; Hispanic and Black households β having lower median incomes β contribute less per household but face a higher relative burden from sales and property taxes.
SNAP Recipients by Race (National)
β οΈ NATIONAL DATA
USDA FY2023. NY-specific race data not published. ~16% listed as "race unknown."
Material Hardship Rate by Race β NYC
β OFFICIAL
Robin Hood Poverty Tracker 2023. % experiencing food insecurity, housing instability, or inability to pay bills.
β The Core Question: Can You Have Racial Equity Policy Without Racial Equity Data?
π
New York State's Stated Position
NYS has passed multiple racial equity-focused laws, created an Office of Diversity and Equal Opportunity, and made "equity" a central pillar of budget documents. Governor Hochul's office regularly invokes racial equity in budget announcements β particularly around Medicaid, housing, and education spending.
π
The Accountability Problem
If the state does not track tax payments by race, it cannot tell you whether the tax burden is equitably distributed. If Medicaid enrollment by race is not systematically published, it cannot tell you whether Medicaid spending reaches communities proportionally to need. If lump sum grants don't report beneficiary demographics, no one can audit whether discretionary spending is racially equitable or racially biased. You cannot manage what you do not measure.
βοΈ
Two Sides of the Same Problem
Some people worry that minority communities pay more in taxes relative to their incomes and get less back in services β valid without data, you can't prove or disprove it. Others worry that certain racial groups receive a disproportionate share of social spending relative to their tax contributions β also valid, and also impossible to definitively measure without the data. Both concerns deserve answers. Neither gets one from the current data system.
π‘
What Would Real Measurement Look Like?
Several states and cities have begun publishing "racial equity budget analyses" β using ACS income data linked to program enrollment data to estimate fiscal flows by race. The Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) does this nationally. NYC's own IBO has done limited versions. But New York State has not mandated a comprehensive, annual, publicly available racial equity fiscal analysis β despite being one of the most racially diverse and highest-spending states in the country.
Summary: What the Data Says, What It Doesn't, and What That Means
Every claim on this page rated by evidence quality
| Claim / Finding | Evidence Quality | Source | What We Can Conclude |
| White households have the highest median income in NYC ($108K) | β Measured | Census ACS 2023 | Higher income β higher income tax contribution per household |
| Asian households have second-highest median income ($87K) | β Measured | Census ACS 2023 | But huge internal variation β hides both billionaires and deep poverty |
| Black households median income is $61K in NYC | β Measured | Census ACS 2023 | Lower income = less income tax, but higher relative sales tax burden |
| Hispanic households median income is ~$58K in NYC | β Measured | Census ACS 2023 | Same as above. Highest poverty and hardship rates of any group. |
| Black NYC unemployment rate was 3Γ the White rate in Q4 2023 | β Measured | Center for NYC Affairs / BLS | Structural labor market disparity with direct fiscal implications |
| Hispanic NYers had 42% material hardship rate in 2023 | β Measured | Robin Hood Poverty Tracker | Highest social program need of any group |
| White NYers paid X% of all income taxes | β Does Not Exist | No source β not collected | Cannot be stated with any precision. Estimates only. |
| Medicaid enrollment is X% Black / Y% Hispanic in NYS | ~ Partial | KFF national estimates only | NYS does not publish this in standardized form. Inference only. |
| Lump sum grants are distributed equitably by race | β Unmeasurable | Not tracked | Cannot be assessed. No demographic data on grant beneficiaries. |
| Sales tax falls harder on lower-income (minority) households | ~ Derived | ITEP tax incidence analysis | Strongly supported by economic theory and income data, not direct measurement |
Official Sources Used on This Tab